NewEnergyNews: TODAY’S STUDY: SWING STATES, GREEN JOBS

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YESTERDAY

  • FRIDAY WORLD HEADLINE-CLIMATE CHANGE AND THE EYE OF THE BEHOLDER
  • FRIDAY WORLD HEADLINE-WHERE NEW ENERGY NEEDS TO BE
  • FRIDAY WORLD HEADLINE-KUWAIT’S POSSIBLE SOLAR
  • FRIDAY WORLD HEADLINE-WHAT INDIA WIND NEEDS
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    THE DAY BEFORE

  • TTTA Thursday- HOW CLIMATE CHANGE DENIAL WORKS
  • TTTA Thursday-HOW WOMEN MAKE A DIFFERENCE
  • TTTA Thursday-POLITICS AND THE EPA
  • TTTA Thursday-THE ENORMOUS LED OPPORTUNITY
  • THE DAY BEFORE THE DAY BEFORE

  • TODAY’S STUDY: THE NEW INTELLIGENT ENERGY EFFICIENCY
  • QUICK NEWS, May 15: MINNESOTA’S SOLAR AMBITIONS IN CONTEXT; RHODE ISLAND’S FIGHT OVER OCEAN WIND; VC MONEY FOR SMART GRID STEADY

    THE DAY BEFORE THAT

  • TODAY’S STUDY: HOW OIL MARKETS ARE MANIPULATED
  • QUICK NEWS, May 14: HUGE BUFFETT WIND BUY IN IOWA; THE VALUE OF ARIZONA’S SUN; MINNESOTA LOVES WIND
  • AND THE DAY BEFORE THAT

  • TODAY’S STUDY: THE VALUE OF SOLAR WITH STORAGE
  • QUICK NEWS, May 13: HOW BIG OIL USES REPUBLICANS; WIND SAVES MONEY FOR RATEPAYERS – STUDY; BRIGHTSOURCE EXEC TALKS SOLAR TOWER TECH & BIZ
  • THE LAST DAY UP HERE

  • Weekend Video: Senator Blasts Senator For Using Religion To Deny Climate Change
  • Weekend Video: The Remarkable Wind In Scotland
  • Weekend Video: The Sci Show Does Solar
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    Anne B. Butterfield of Daily Camera and Huffington Post, is a biweekly contributor to NewEnergyNews

  • Lies, damned lies and politicians (October 8, 2012) by Anne Butterfield (Boulder Daily Camera via NewEnergyNews)

    From the sparring at the first presidential debate, it's pretty sure that energy has become a divisive as well as a competitive issue. Both President Obama and Governor Romney want to be the triumphal producer of energy.

    However Romney likes to smear climate change concerns and clean energy investments, as if all of them go like Solyndra, where a half a billion in loan guarantees went down with the company, as he crowed that 50 percent of clean energy investments supported by the stimulus bill had gone belly up. This was dubbed the "lie of the night" by Michael Grunwald, author of a book about the stimulus bill, citing that maybe one percent of government backed clean energy ventures failed.

    Try getting that rate of safety in your investing. According to a new poll by Hart for the solar industry, voters seem to know that loan guarantees are a steadfast service of government and highly safe, as the Solyndra debacle was deemed unimportant by respondents. Ninety-two percent of registered voters found it important that solar be more widespread, with 70 percent believing that the federal government should be doing more to promote it with incentives (with 71 percent of swing voters feeling this way).

    And, sigh, with tens of thousands of wind power jobs on the chopping block already, Mitt Romney opposes the renewal of the Production Tax Credit. This, even as red states need it renewed, putting him in the dog house with GOP politicians such as Senator Chuck Grassely of Iowa whose state produces 20 percent of its power from wind, and Governor Brownback of Kansas who has made vigorous pleas for the extension of the credit, due to expire this at the end of this year.

    Didn't Romney get the memo? Republican governors are making hay with clean energy such as Haley Barbour and Chris Christie. To Mississippi, Barbour brought four solar sector firms to Mississippi along with two in biofuels plus a clean tech car venture with China. Christie made New Jersey a leading solar market in the nation, this year contending with California for first place.

    But Romney and other high priests of the GOP act as though the only real energy is the type that can be burned, and somehow, Obama has nibbled at this hemlock by constantly touting his success with fracking and his openness to the XL pipeline.

    A truly strange specter is that pipeline; it lets our heartland be used as a byway for tar sands products (which sink rather than float when spilled), so they can go straight to international markets. We get the downsides and none of the upsides -- even as the pipeline could increase gasoline prices in the Midwest, which would lose its existing access to tar sands products.

    One plausible upside of the pipeline being routed through the United States (where it might be built quickly, as would not happen in the alternative route through western Canada) is that it could strengthen the hand of President Obama in his suite of sanctions against Iran, including a worldwide boycott of Iranian oil. Our recent frack-mania allows our nation to resume oil production levels not seen for 15 years and thus strengthens our hand. Three weeks ago Iran admitted having problems selling oil due to U.S. and European sanctions; now the nation's currency is in free fall.

    One certainly hopes that tar sands will thrive mightily as a "psy-ops" against Iran and not as a chemical weapon against our climate, as Dr. James Hansen has sternly warned.

    Never bounded by his prior convictions about the climate, Romney crows that he would authorize the pipeline on day one and build it himself if need be (as if he in his wingtips could "John Wayne" his way around an oil field). It's all such a sham he-man rodeo.

    And no one mentioned the climate -- in spite of hundreds of thousands of petition signatures demanding the topic. Neither candidate pushed clean energy as the vote winner that poll after poll have shown it to be. Authors for DBL Investors in their study of green energy exclaim, "We all need to understand that green jobs are not the idle dreaming of a small group of partisan activists and insiders, but a source of livelihood for millions, literally in all parts of the country." The light shines in the darkness but the darkness of our politics has not understood it.

    Author's note: Want to support my work? Please "fan" me at Huffpost Denver, here (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/anne-butterfield). Thanks.

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    Anne's previous NewEnergyNews columns:

  • Lies, damned lies and politicians (October 8, 2012)
  • Colorado's Elegant Solution to Fracking (April 23, 2012)
  • Shale Gas: From Geologic Bubble to Economic Bubble (March 15, 2012)
  • Taken for granted no more (February 5, 2012)
  • The Republican clown car circus (January 6, 2012)
  • Twenty-Somethings of Colorado With Skin in the Game (November 22, 2011)
  • Occupy, Xcel, and the Mother of All Cliffs (October 31, 2011)
  • Boulder Can Own Its Power With Distributed Generation (June 7, 2011)
  • The Plunging Cost of Renewables and Boulder's Energy Future (April 19, 2011)
  • Paddling Down the River Denial (January 12, 2011)
  • The Fox (News) That Jumped the Shark (December 16, 2010)
  • Click here for an archive of Butterfield columns

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    Some details about NewEnergyNews and the man behind the curtain: Herman K. Trabish, Agua Dulce, CA., Doctor with my hands, Writer with my head, Student of New Energy and Human Experience with my heart

    email: herman@NewEnergyNews.net

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    Your intrepid reporter

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      A tip of the NewEnergyNews cap to Phillip Garcia for crucial assistance in the design implementation of this site. Thanks, Phillip.

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    Pay a visit to the HARRY BOYKOFF page at Basketball Reference, sponsored by NewEnergyNews and Oil In Their Blood.

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  • Tuesday, September 18, 2012

    TODAY’S STUDY: SWING STATES, GREEN JOBS

    Red, White & Green; The True Colors of America’s Clean Tech Jobs

    Nancy Pfund and Michael Lazar, September 2012 (Double Bottom Line Venture Capital)

    Executive summary; Clean tech may mean a debate in Washington, but it means jobs everywhere else.

    Washington D.C. may be the national capitol of the United States, but the political discussions there often have little in common with those taking place in the country as a whole. One of the many issues for which this is true is the relationship between the environment and the economy. Within the Beltway today, nearly everything associated with “clean tech” and “green jobs” is highly politicized—much like everything else. In general, Democrats support them. Republicans oppose them. End of story.

    One might assume we’d find the same trend outside of Capitol Hill, with blue Democratic states rushing to embrace clean tech and green jobs, but with red Republican states resolutely declining to join in the action.

    In fact, what we find is entirely different. The following maps tell the story. Map one shows that in the ten states where clean tech jobs are growing the most quickly, only two can be considered traditionally Democratic. Many of the remaining states are decisively Republican. The story is the same in map two when you look at the states where green jobs make up the biggest percentage of the labor force; only three of those and the District of Columbia are Democratic.

    What’s more, many of the governors working the hardest to bring clean tech jobs to their home states are not only Republican, but are usually regarded as leaders of their party.

    This demonstrates that clean tech and green jobs are only contentious inside Washington. Outside of the capital, where governors (and mayors) are more concerned with creating jobs than scoring debate points, there is no controversy about the impact of clean tech. It is almost universally appreciated as the important engine for job development and economic growth that it is. Disregarding the partisan bickering in Washington, these local officials are using clean tech to bring high-quality jobs to their states, in the process reviving communities and winning the support of local voters in both parties.

    The on-the-ground reality of the economic importance of clean tech should serve as a reminder to journalists, pundits, policymakers and even politicians campaigning for office. Map three shown below underscores the political importance of green jobs by highlighting that in this election cycle seven of the top 17 fastest growing clean tech states are swing states.

    While it may be that on a D.C.-based cable news show, or inside a congressional committee hearing room, mentioning clean tech tends to immediately conjure up the capital’s gridlocked, right-left divide. Meanwhile, the rest of the country is often too busy working to attract and keep their green jobs to even notice the debate.

    The data; Green jobs are growing the most quickly in some of the smallest and “reddest” states

    A preliminary procedural note: Counting the number of green jobs in the United States means first coming up with a definition of whether a given job is in fact “green.” The Bureau of Labor Statistics has one definition: Jobs that either “produce goods or provide services that benefit the environment or conserve natural resources” or those that involve making a company’s production processes “more environmentally friendly” by using fewer natural resources.

    Some have criticized this definition as being overly-broad, suggesting it might include such disparate activities as tending an antique shop or lobbying for an oil company. Aware of this controversy, in 2011 the Brookings Institution came up with its own more restrictive definition. We use that narrower definition in this paper.

    The data from the Brookings Institution, combined with information from other sources about economics, population and voting habits, points to a number of surprising, even counter-intuitive, observations.

    1. Clean tech is already a significant source of employment everywhere in the country.

    As expected, the states with the most green jobs are usually those with the biggest populations. Here are the top ten states in clean tech jobs; they are also among the top ten states in populations with two exceptions (Michigan and North Carolina). The major “outlier” is Washington, which ranks 13th in population.

    To put these numbers in some perspective, it is worth noting that according to the National Mining Association, coal employs 136,000 people in the entire country. But three states all by themselves each have more clean tech workers than all the coal mining workers in the USA. The total number of Americans working in clean tech is many times the size of those in coal. This rarely-acknowledged statistic suggests that we broaden the national discussion of the economic effects of environmental policies. That discussion often emphasizes their impact on the coal industry, with the much-larger clean tech portion of the energy economy receiving proportionally much less attention.

    2. The most rapid growth in clean tech is taking place in smaller, red states.

    The number of green jobs, on a percentage basis, tends to be growing the most rapidly in small, red states. The following table shows the top ten states ranked by percentage of green job growth; the final column shows the average GOP vote in each state in the presidential races of 2004 and 2008. (Recall the country as a whole was split roughly down the middle, especially in 2004.) Note that four of the states are solidly Republican, and a further four are close enough to be considered swing states. Note, too, that many of the states are among the least populous in the country.

    Also worth considering in the table below is the generally rapid rate of growth for green jobs everywhere in the country. In fact, the average growth rate for solar, which represents one big chunk of the clean tech sector, was 28 percent between 2006 and 2009, when both direct and indirect jobs are counted. Moreover, the entire solar industry employment growth between August 2010 and August 2011 was nearly ten times that of the overall economy at 6.8 percent v. 0.7 percent.

    3. It is much the same story with states with the biggest percentage of non-farm jobs connected with clean tech: small, red states are over-represented.

    As Exhibit C demonstrates, the numbers around the share of green jobs as a percentage of total jobs in 2010 are somewhat surprising: some of the least populated red states are the most dependent on green jobs. Many of the states with the biggest share of green jobs as a percentage of total non-farm jobs are less populated red states like Alaska and Montana.

    Real life outside out of the Beltway; Republican governors go green

    Clean tech may be seen as a Democratic issue on Capitol Hill but out in the states, it has no political party. A number of Republican governors, as part of their overall economic development efforts, have embraced clean tech initiatives as a source of well-paying jobs, often in manufacturing. The pragmatism of governors—their willingness to do the right thing for their states regardless of current political fashions—may be one reason that pollsters generally find that governors, on the whole, have favorability ratings that are double those of prominent national politicians, and five times the approval afforded to the Congress.

    We highlight here the clean tech efforts of five Republican governors. Of course, many Democratic governors have been equally aggressive in this regard. But we are not chronicling their efforts because they are, in some ways, less surprising. We also do not consider here the significant work done on behalf of Arnold Schwarzenegger during the eight years he spent as Republican governor of California. Also not included are Republicans Rick Scott of Florida, Mitch Daniels of Indiana and Jan Brewer of Arizona, all of whom have championed clean tech efforts in their states.

    Readers with long memories should not be surprised by the active role being played by Republicans in environmentally-friendly economic development. For many years, the environment was a bipartisan issue. Indeed, some of the strongest pieces of environmental legislation were enacted during the presidency of Republican Richard Nixon. The polarized discussion of the environment is a relatively recent phenomenon, and, perhaps sadly, echoes the sharp divisions occurring throughout American political discourse…

    Mississippi Former Governor Haley Barbour… Kansas Governor Sam Brownback… New Jersey Governor Chris Christie… Louisiana Governor Bobby Jindal… Texas Governor Rick Perry…

    Maintaining the momentum; Key policy issues affecting the future of green jobs

    For the clean tech economy to continue its growth, policies supporting long-term investment must be implemented at both the federal and state levels. Three of the most important of these are described here.

    1. Keep the Solar Investment Tax Credit

    The Solar Investment Tax Credit (ITC) provides a 30 percent tax credit for solar systems on both commercial and residential properties. It is probably the single most important solar-related energy policy now in place. According to the Solar Energy Industries Association, the Solar Tax Credit has been crucial in lowering the price of solar and creating jobs, and has helped give solar energy a 76 percent growth rate since its enactment in 2006.

    The credit is scheduled to decline to 10 percent by the end of 2016, in connection with other changes in tax law. Many argue that such a steep drop may disrupt the steadily improving economics of solar relative to other energy sources—energy sources that, contrary to popular belief, are themselves the benefit of very significant subsidies via corporate tax breaks and other mechanisms. As unsubsidized energy sources are a legitimate policy objective, several groups have suggested a much more gradual phase-out of the solar credit. One proposal calls for it to be phased out slowly, though the year 2025, at which time all energy sources are expected to be able to exist without any form of government help.

    2. Redraft tax legislation affecting clean tech-related Master Limited Partnerships and allow for solar REITs

    Seemingly obscure portions of the tax code can have a dramatic effect on what is, or is not, invested in a field like clean tech. For example, experts say that laws like the ITC that are favorable to solar leasing arrangements, along with contracts known as “Power Purchase Agreements,” account for much of the recent growth in solar energy power sources. Two other changes have been proposed and should be considered. The first would allow a Master Limited Partnership, which is a publicly traded partnership corporate ownership structure, to own and finance renewable energy and biofuel projects—something that can already be done with oil, gas and coal. As it would lower the financing cost for these projects, the idea has bipartisan support in Washington; earlier this year, a group of senators from both sides of the aisle introduced S.3275, known as the “MLP Parity Act,” which would enact the change into law.

    Similarly, many financial and solar industry advocates are calling for an expansion of the definition of Real Estate Investment Trusts (REITs) to include solar installations as a form of real property. Solar REITs would greatly expand the pool of capital available for solar projects, allowing for more solar projects to move from the planning to the actual construction stage.

    3. Extend the Production Tax Credit

    This may be the most immediately pressing issue of all. The Production Tax Credit has played a crucial role in the development of wind energy in the U.S. since its inception in 1992. However, the credit is set to expire at the end of this year. On account of the inevitable uncertainty about the credit’s future, new wind project development has slowed significantly this year, so much so that the CEO of Vestas, a wind energy company, predicts the wind turbine market to fall by up to 80% next year.29 In connection with that decline, Navigant Consulting estimated a net loss of 31,000 wind jobs from 2011 through 2014, of which about 7,000 are direct jobs in manufacturing, construction and operations.30 With wind as one of the most important of the renewable energy sources, not to mention the source of a considerable number of jobs, Congress would be wise to renew the credit before the year is out.

    Conclusion: Green jobs and the political discussion; We need to hear less from Capitol Hill and more from Main Street

    Many people believe that supporting green jobs makes sensible policy, one that addresses our nation’s economic development, climate, and energy security needs. With the growing number of green jobs, it is also good politics. Seven of the top 17 states with the most rapid growth in the clean tech sector are considered swing states for the 2012 presidential election, as shown by the exhibit below. Numbers like these suggest we are entering an era in which politicians who unfairly criticize or otherwise ignore clean tech run the risk of alienating a bedrock constituency: job holders, most of whom vote. We all need to understand that green jobs and clean tech are not merely the idle dreaming of a small group of partisan activists and insiders, but a source of livelihood for millions of Americans, literally in all parts of the country. What’s more, their numbers are growing every day.

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